[Salon] North Africa and the French far right



North Africa and the French far right

Summary: in what may appear both contradictory and perplexing many French voters of North African descent are attracted to the far right and its racist and anti-immigration policies.

We thank a North African writer for today’s newsletter.

On 9 June, French President Emmanuel Macron dissolved the National Assembly and announced snap parliamentary elections. The first round took place 30 June, followed by a second round one week later. Such an unexpected decision described as “serious and heavy” by Macron, followed his centrist Renaissance Party’s defeat in the EU elections, and Martine LePen’s far-right Rassemblement National’s victory. At first glance and according to the French president, this political move was intended to counter the surge of LePen’s party and its growing populist appeal. Logically, and given the fact that a certain majority had already expressed its will in the EU elections, it was a reasonable assumption, one that Macron arrogantly ignored, to expect the RN to pull off a victory in the first round, a result it duly achieved. And had an alliance of parties on the left and far-left not done a deal in the second round, that victory would have surely been consolidated. As it was, Macron’s gamble, though deeply damaging, was not as disastrously misplaced as it could have been.

The French president had two reasons for his decision to call the snap election; the first was personal and involves the attempt to salvage his and his party’s fading brand image, especially with the major decline, en chute libre, in his political popularity. The second reason is more about preserving France’s image on the international scene, as the cradle of tolerance and universal human values, linked indelibly to its historical context, involving the French Revolution and the epoch of French Enlightenment philosophers.

Within the context of France’s culturally and politically rich history, the rise of the far-right party should not come as a surprise. I say that because it’s interesting to note that two philosophers of the Enlightenment, Montesquieu and Voltaire, both argued that though colonisation and slavery are contrary to human justice, they can be justified on the grounds that they brought material and intellectual progress. In this same spirit of prioritising the white man’s best interests, the French colonial empire, validated by the Enlightenment philosophers, proceeded in the same way, calling two of its North African colonies (Tunisia and Morocco) protectorates whilst attempting and ultimately failing to incorporate a third (Algeria) into itself. Today, though France’s empire in North Africa has long since vanished, it has left behind deep marks of resentment among the least privileged North Africans and an adoption of white supremacy values among the “privileged”. This inherited legacy explains the decision of many bi-national French from North African origins to choose the LePen party, believing in its programme to halt the migrant wave, restore order, and achieve security with its anti-immigration policies.


Over 1,000 Tunisians protested in Tunis on February 25, 2023 following racist remarks by President Kais Saied [photo credit: Erin Clare Brown]

Since the end of colonisation, immigrating to France, getting a steady job there and securing the red French passport has been considered a standard of great success, for both the poor and the privileged. Times have changed and the coloniser has lost much of his influence as new world powers have arisen but many North Africans retain a static image of France as a superpower. Thus, bi-national North Africans are considered successful based on the above criteria, and yet are made fun of, even in sitcoms, for their boastfulness in their homelands, pretending to have forgotten their mother tongue and only speaking French. This “privileged” category of North African immigrants, who identify more with French people thanks to the gains they’ve made, choose to take the same stance as the Rassemblement National, to assert themselves as part of the 'winning team' and dissociate themselves from the losing one. The legal immigrants are attracted to the RN’s xenophobic ideas, while turning a blind eye to the fact that one third of foreign doctors are of North African origin and each year over 600 Moroccan engineers head to Europe, most of them to France.

How to explain this contradictory frame of mind that consists of denying African immigrants’ contribution to the wellbeing of France while rejecting immigration’s collateral damage, illegal migrants, and demonising those who are a part of it? The acceptance of such an ideology mirrors the ideology of the colonisers, where all existing material and human resources are directed towards a sole purpose: serving the white man’s interests.

Unfortunately, this mindset, inherited from the colonisation era and based at its core on the supremacy of the one with the lighter skin, has been internalised by North Africans of the former French colonies. This far-right ideology, based on xenophobia and racism, has always been limited on the intellectual level. But that hasn’t stopped politicians from embracing it, mimicking pretty much the same sorts of statements, sometimes only slightly rebranded. For instance, while the Tunisian president Kais Saied, last year, put forward a “Great Replacement” theory, scapegoating Sub-Saharan African immigrants, Rassemblement National candidates made anti-semitic statements scapegoating Jews. Similarly the new Tunisian constitution, written by the Tunisian president, states that candidates in the presidential elections should be "born of father and mother, paternal and maternal grandfathers, all remaining of Tunisian nationality without discontinuity" while the RN’s president announced his willingness to prohibit dual nationals from occupying “strategic” state positions, out of fear of foreign interference. Another commonality between these xenophobic discourses, is that they have triggered waves of violence in both countries; an increase in anti-Semitic, Islamophobic, and xenophobic attacks was noticeable in France, while Sub-Saharan immigrants were also massively victims of violence.

The surge of the RN shows that a racist ideology, based on white supremacy, is still occupying an important part in the collective French psyche. That this ideology, left behind by colonisers, is also still prominent in North Africans’ minds, is paradoxical given the trauma colonisation has left in them. This ideology, in which the stronger endeavours to dominate and deny the weakest, is full of flaws yet it is embraced in Europe and embedded in those who are the descendants of the colonised in the Maghreb. To both, I say ‘we are a human community living in this world that we’ve been sharing for millenia; we ascend together and we fall together.’

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